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Making an Impact

“The Lone Star Project … hammers Republicans whenever it gets a chance, promoting strong local Democratic candidates and even bringing lawsuits.”
(Roll Call, Stuart Rothenberg,
March 12, 2009)


“Anyone who questions whether [The Lone Star Project] can make life difficult for a Republican legislator should talk to former Sen. Kim Brimer.”
(Austin American Statesman, February 17, 2009)


“[The Lone Star Project] is responsible for the aggressive stance the party has taken toward DeLay and other Lone Star State Republicans since the 2004 election.”
(The Washington Post, March 6, 2006)

 

"David Dewhurst has said most Texans don't have much sympathy "for someone who that can't fill out a two page [health insurance] application every six months".

The Democrat-supported Lone Star Project in Washington reported this week that Dewhurst failed to file necessary forms at least six times in recent years.
(San Antonio Expres News,, 4/12/2007)


"The Justice staff memo was obtained by the Lone Star Project ...The story broke the same day the U.S. Supreme Court was considering legal challenges to the plan brought by Democrats and minority groups."
(Houston Chronicle, 12/3/2005)


"The Texas chapter of the NAACP, along with the Lone Star Project, have analyzed the amicus brief filed by the Justice Department and have concluded, justifiably, that the Voting Rights section of the Justice Department is now controlled by partisan political appointees."
(Roll Call - Donna Brazile, 2/28/2006)

 

 

Perry/Craddick – Relentless Taxers, Absent on Education
Republican Legislators Champion New Taxes & School Cuts

Democrats Vote
NO

Contrary to public and media perception, since gaining control of both the Governor’s mansion and the Texas State House, Texas Republican leaders have relentlessly championed one new tax increase after another.  From bottled water and baby diapers to small business revenues to the internet, Republican leaders have pushed for new laws that would raise taxes on virtually every Texan. 

Also, defying public perception, the large majority of Democrats in the Texas House have consistently opposed GOP efforts to raise taxes.  In fact, over the last seven legislative sessions, Democrats have demonstrated that they are on the conservative side of the tax debate. 

Although the current special legislative session was portrayed to the media and voters as a last ditch effort to address public education, the first order of business for Perry and Craddick was to prevent the proposed $5 billion Perry business revenue tax or the state’s $8 billion surplus from being used for public education. Instead, Perry and Craddick have used the special session to impose a new state tax with a net result of clobbering small businesses and middle-income Texans, while providing a tax windfall to Republican political allies in the Insurance, Financial Services and Real Estate industries.  What’s more, Perry and Craddick are working to actually cut funding for education below the level promised by the legislature just last year.

Republican Taxes on Every Texan
The following roll call votes from recent past sessions of the Texas Legislature are examples of Republican support and Democratic opposition to sales tax increases that would affect virtually every Texan.  The new and increased taxes contained within these bills include levies on everyday necessities such as baby supplies, drinking water, auto repairs and access to the internet.

HB1, 78th Legislature, 4th Called Session

Adopted 75-68, with GOP Majority Support

HB 3, 79th Legislature, Regular Session

Adopted 73-68, with GOP Majority Support

HB 3, 79th Legislature, 1st Called Session

Adopted 71-63, with GOP Majority Support

HB 3, 79th Legislature, 3rd Called Session

Adopted 80-68, with GOP Majority Support

           (Source: Texas House of Representatives, Daily Journals )

Republicans Coddle Friends and Clobber Middle-Income Texans
The newest Perry/Craddick tax scheme is a three-step gambit being played out by the Republican leadership in the current Called Session.

  • Step One – HB1 hijacks the State’s $8 billion surplus by committing much of it to a property tax reform plan that grossly favors exclusive neighborhoods and large corporate property owners.
  • Step Two – HB 2 forbids the use of new revenues generated through a business revenue tax or cigarette sales tax to improve Texas public schools.
  • Step Three – HB 3 imposes a new Republican tax on the corporate revenues of Texas businesses. 

    (Source: The Houston Chronicle, April 25, 2006)

Net Result – Most Texans Lose, Perry/Craddick Political Allies Win
By preventing surplus revenues from being used to help schools and then alternately lowering some taxes while raising others, Craddick and Perry are able to disproportionately reward their high-income supporters in exclusive neighborhoods and their strongest corporate allies.  Meanwhile, middle-income Texans are left holding the bag and footing the bill.

Insurance, Finance and Real Estate Industry – Win
Insurance, Finance and Real Estate industries are some of the big winners in the Perry/Craddick tax plan.  They will see their taxes cut $67.4 million dollars under the new plan.

Tax cut realized through HB1 property tax provisions

 $227.5 mil

Tax increase through HB3 business revenue provisions           

$160.1 mil

Net Tax Benefit

$  67.4 mil

(Source: Legislative Budget Board)

Middle-Income Texans – Lose
The real losers under the plan are everyday Texans who work hard, pay taxes, and are in the middle income bracket.   According to the nonpartisan Texas Legislative Budget Board, middle-income families earning between $43,403 and $67,019 will have their collective taxes raised by over $19 million.  Meanwhile, families earning over $146,804 will have their collective taxes slashed by over $284 million. The average family income in Texas is $49,086. (Source: Texas Legislative Board, El Paso Times, May 2, 2006).

Household Income

Net Tax Increase
 or Decrease

$43,403 to $67,019

+ $19.4 Million

$146,804 or more 

- $284.2 Million

(Source: Legislative Budget Board -Tax Equity Notes ,HB 1 and HB 5)

What About Texas School Children?
Under the Perry/Craddick tax scheme, not a dime of new tax revenue would be available to improve Texas Schools. In fact, $1.8 billion dedicated to education by the same legislature last year has been rescinded.  So, even if the modest education funding now being considered is approved, there would be a net reduction of $350 million in funds available for Texas schools.

Funds Dedicated to Education in 2005, HB1, Rider 97  

$1.8 billion

Funds Rescinded from Education 2006 by HB1 elimination of Rider 97

$1.8 billion

Funds Dedicated to Education in 2006

$1.45 billion*

Potential Net Loss to Texas Schools  

$ 350 Million

*under proposed HB1 legislation pending in the Senate
(Sources, HB1 Rider 97, 79th Legislature First Called Session and LBB Fiscal Estimate for Proposed Senate Version of HB1, 79th Legislature, 3rd Called Session)

What About Texas Teachers?
Even if the proposed teacher pay provisions are enacted, teacher pay in Texas would still rank in the bottom half among all states, behind even poorer and smaller southern states like Virginia and Georgia. (Source: Texas Comptroller of Public Accounts-Special Report, The Cost of Underpaying Texas Teachers, March 2006).  In fact, Texas teachers would still be paid $4,000 less than the national average, further behind than they were six years ago. (Source: National Education Assn. Statistical Ranking of the States)

Conservative Dallas Morning News columnist Bill McKenzie had the guts to expose the Republican contempt for those who promote school investment when he wrote, “Maybe that’s why some in Austin, mostly House Republicans, came to refer to the coalition members (school leaders promoting public education funding) as ‘Whiny Ass School People’.” (Source: Dallas Morning News, November 23, 2005)

 

 



Perry/DeLay Will Set Modern Record for Vacant Texas Seat
Republican’s scheme will leave TX-22 unrepresented more than four months

Teddy Roosevelt was President, Butch Cassidy was alive and Lyndon Johnson had not yet been born the last time a Texas congressional district was forced to go 130 days without knowing who represented them in Congress. 

     
Theodore Roosevelt, Butch Cassidy, and Lyndon Johnson as a baby

It has been more than 100 years since a Congressional District has been left without a Congressman for longer than 130 Days.  However, under the scheme hatched by Texas Governor Rick Perry and surrendering former House Republican Leader Tom DeLay, citizens in the 22nd District of Texas will be left without any Member of Congress representing them for at least 130 days, from June 30, 2006 until November 7, 2006.  This gap in representation could be even longer if DeLay resigns earlier in June or if a run-off results from a November 7th special election, leaving the seat open another 30 days. 

DeLay/Perry Move Will Create Longest Vacancy Since 1905

Unlike DeLay, whose last chapter will identify him as the guy who decided to quit and run, the last Texas Member of Congress to cause such a long vacancy went out guns blazing – literally.  On April 24, 1905, the Congressman for the 8th District of Texas, John M. Pinckney, was shot and killed at a meeting of the Waller County Prohibition league.  According to the man who killed Pinckney, “I heard a shot behind me about 6- feet away and I turned and saw [Congressman] John M. Pinckney shoot at papa. I turned around and shot at him 3-times.”  (Source: Rockdale Messenger,  April, 27 1905).  Pinkney had served in the Confederate Army and as a County Judge before entering Congress.  He was succeeded by John M. Moore, a former State Representative from Fort Bend County after a vacancy of 224 days. (Source: Handbook of Texas Online)

Since then, whether congressional vacancies occurred due to resignation or tragic death, an election was held to fill the seat in less than 130 days and usually fairly soon after a district lost its Member of Congress. (Source: Biographical Directory of the United States Congress)

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Baseline Analysis of Texas Governor's Race
Strayhorn’s Task Harder and Bell’s Chances Better than Assumed

The unusual multi-candidate gubernatorial field in Texas has created an environment that may defy current conventional wisdom.  Particularly, early observers may be overestimating the ability of Carole Strayhorn to garner a plurality of support in a potential four candidate field without the base of support that a party nomination provides.  Conversely, although Chris Bell has raised relatively little money to date, he won the Democratic primary easily and has a voting record and political history virtually all Democrats, and some true independents, can embrace.

20006 Texas Vote Simulator

An analysis of the four-candidate field, based on projected voter turnout in 2006, shows that in order to compete and win, Strayhorn would have to run a campaign that simultaneously cuts deeply into the expected Republican vote that would otherwise go to Rick Perry AND cut significantly into the expected Democratic vote that would otherwise go to Bell.  Gaining a little from both won’t work, and cutting deeply into one, but not the other, falls short as well

The Lone Star Project developed a model to help forecast the election results for Texas Governor.  An explanation of the model and the Lone Star Project’s conclusions are offered below.  However, you can use the model to develop your own forecast online at the Lone Star Project Vote Simulator.

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